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David Morgan of the University of Wisconsin.

From the proportion of Mongol royal house Y chromosomes in their sample, Tyler-Smith and his colleagues have been able to calculate just how well Genghis succeeded in his procreative program. An astonishing 8% of males throughout the former lands of the Mongol empire carry the Y chromosome of Genghis Khan. This amounts to a total of 16 million men, or about 0.5% of the world's total.

The second most common Y chromosome in East Asia, after that of Genghis Khan, is one that probably belongs to Giocangga, the patriarch of the Manchu rulers who governed China as the Qing dynasty from 1644 to 1912. The Qing imperial nobility consisted of male descendants of Giocangga and his grandson Nurhaci, who founded the dynasty. The nobility was highly privileged and its members were able to keep many concubines. In addition the Qing nobility used marriages to cement political alliances with other peoples of northern China such as the Mongols.

Tyler-Smith has detected the Manchu chromosome in 7 northern populations though not in the Han, the major Chinese ethnic group. He believes the chromosome belongs to the Manchu royal house because of its frequency, its geographical distribution and the fact that its founder, according to genetic evidence from the chromosome itself, lived some 500 years ago— Giocangga died in 1582. Tyler-Smith estimates that the Manchu Y chromosome is carried by 1.6 million men living today.294

A third patriarch, one with an estimated 2 to 3 million living descendants, has come to light through a study of Irish Y chromosomes. He may well be Niall of the Nine Hostages, an Irish high king of the fifth century A.D. whom some historians had regarded as a probably legendary figure.364 The genome offers a unique new window into history, one that is especially illuminating when DNA evidence can be combined with historical evidence. The cases of Genghis, Giocangga, and Niall of the Nine Hostages raise the question of whether large-scale procreation isn't just a perk of political power but may be a salient, even if unconscious, motivation for it.

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