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accomplished. With paternity recognition, the role of agnatic kinship in structuring social relationships in male kin groups became comparable to the role of uterine kinship in female kin groups such as macaques and baboons.

Another major consequence of fatherhood on kinship is that it created a whole new type of family. Owing to space constraints, I must skip the reasoning (Chapais 2008, pp 202-215) underlying the following description. From a chimpanzee/ bonobo-like bi-generational and monoparental (mother-offspring) unit, the hominid family evolved into a biparental unit integrating three generations of individuals - owing to paternity recognition, grandmothers affiliate with their son's children - and some affines as well, that is, into some sort of extended family. On the basis of the assumption that fathers and sons developed lifetime cooperative partnerships, such families included a well-defined core of primary agnates (father and sons) whose cohesiveness stemmed, fundamentally, from the benefits associated with cooperating with a same-sex close kin. Importantly, daughters (or sisters) were an integral part of such units. In chimpanzees, females have loose bonds with their brothers, and with only a fraction of these. Pair-bonding changed that situation drastically. Henceforward, among a young female's most basic bonds in the new hominid family were those that she developed with her primary kin: her mother, father and brothers. This simple fact may be seen as the single most important necessary condition for the evolution of practices such as sister exchange, cross-cousin marriage, and avuncular relationships (discussion below).

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